Does Racism Exist in the
Hiring and Promotion of K-12 School Administrators?
Phillip A. Smith
Teachers College, Columbia
University
There is an absence of any extensive examination of the ways in which
agency, White conferred dominance, and racial stratification perpetuate
inequalities in access to educational leadership positions by Black Americans.
Through an integrative review, and analysis of national data sets, this paper
explores the extent to which differing levels of racism - individual, institutional
or cultural, exist in the hiring and promotion of K-12 school administrators.
Utilizing a critical race theory (CRT) epistemological approach, as well as a historicizing of knowledge analytical
approach, the paper illustrates that despite significant gains through
the Civil Rights movement, African Americans continue to be denied equitable
access to senior school administrative positions. The paper also examines the
social and economic cost of maintaining racism within this area of public
services. The paper concludes with a response to the entitled question ÒDoes racism exist in the hiring
and promotion of K-12 school administrators?Ó
Keywords: African American, School
administrator selection, racial bias and discrimination
The challenges in adequately responding to the
leadership crisis facing schools and school districts are multi-faceted. There
is some evidence of a Òsupply problemÓ (Thomson, 2009, p.31) in the pipeline of
education and school administrators (DeAngelis & OÕConnor, 2012). As Pounder,
Galvin, and Shepherd (2003) report, there are a multiplicity of both
independent and intentional factors that may contribute to perceptions or
misperceptions of a supply problem or shortage of suitably qualified school
administrators. The school leadership is an aging workforce: over 50 percent of
currently serving principals, the group most likely to progress to more senior
administrative roles, reaches retirement age within the next few years (Papa,
Lankford, & Wyckoff, 2002). Whilst there are greater numbers of individuals
suitably qualified to enter administration positions, decreasing numbers of
certified individuals seek these senior administration positions (DeAngelis
& OÕConnor, 2012).
Also, there is a need to increase diversity and
representation of senior school leaders comparable to student, and wider
community populations (Alston, 2000;
Tallerico, 2000). The demographic, racial and cultural context of the
U.S. is a rapidly changing one, with public schools moving from monocultural
non-diverse contexts to serving more heterogeneous and diverse student cohorts
(Jones, 2002; Noguera, 2003). It is estimated that that by the year 2020, only
49% of the school-age population will be White (Karpinski, 2006; Riehl, 2000).
Brown (2005) and others (Jones, 2002) have argued that: Òschools in a racially
diverse society will require leaders and models of leadership that will address
the racial, cultural, and ethnic makeup of the school communityÓ (Brown, 2005,
p. 585).
Yet, there
is evidence of significant under-representation of individuals of African
heritage in school and senior educational leadership positions (Brown, 2005). Jackson
(2003) noted similar concerns within higher education through his research and
analysis of the African American male educational pipeline to faculty and
administration positions in higher education institutions. The aforementioned
highlights a pressing need for the collective professional practice of
education and school administration to reflect the full spectrum of cultural and
social traditions and systems within society. Schools and school districts need
to be more responsive to rapidly changing student demography, to become
diversity-enhanced institutions, that is, places of vibrant opportunities to
support racially, culturally, and linguistically diverse student cohorts
(Howard, 2007).
Further, as proffered by Tillman (2003),
Òdespite our commitment to diversify [educational administration], our field
remains predominantly WhiteÓ (p.1). The predominance of a homogenous school
leadership workforce is further compounded by a decentralized, localized model
of education that results in variable routes to the hiring and promotion of
school administrators dependent on type of school,
urbanicity, school district and state. Invariably, such decentralized systems
and practices provide the starting point for race discrimination (Bush &
Moloi, 2008).
For the purposes of this paper, Gates, Ringel,
Santibanez, Chung & RossÕ (2003) following use of the terminology school
administration will apply:
Òthose [individuals]
filling a variety of school-, district-, and state-level management positions
in the K-12 school system. Principals and district superintendents are the most
visible administrators, but there are many others as well, such as assistant
principals, district business managers, and regional superintendentsÓ (p.1).
In order to fully understand the effectiveness
of these senior management positions there is, according to Brown (2005) a need
Òto investigate school administration in specific social, political, and racial
contextsÓ (p. 587). Such an investigatory inquiry should be supported through
more rigorous, and practice-oriented research and scholarship on workforce
diversity effects (Pitts & Wise, 2010).
Gaps in the Literature
The
aforementioned research and scholarship forms a significant contribution to a
growing body of literature that examines the underrepresentation of people of
color in school administration roles as well as the benefits of a more racially
and culturally diverse school leadership workforce. There is also evidence of
significant scholarship and research on the experiences of African American
principals and school administrators both before and since the Brown era. There is however, less
substantive literature on the racialized aspects of the educational leadership
pipeline, and the hiring and promotion processes of school administrators
(DeAngelis & OÕConnor, 2012; Jackson, 2003; Tallerico,
2000) or any detailed investigatory inquiry into elements of
the hiring process that can limit advancement of people of color. As Hooker
(2000) highlights, Òthe literature on recruitment and selection of school
administrators continues to be anecdotal, unpublished, and atheoretical.Ó (p.
183) Gooden (2012) makes a more explicit reference to the racialized aspects of
the organizational contexts signposted in HookerÕs (2000) earlier paper and
highlights the multiple levels in which racism within the realms of education
leadership development does Òadvantage Whites and subordinate Blacks and those
from other racial minority groupsÓ (p.79).
This conceptual paper seeks to build on the
scholarship of Hooker (2000), Gooden (2012) and others (Alston, 2000; DeAngelis
& OÕConnor, 2012; Jackson, 2003; Pitts & Wise, 2010; Pounder & Shepherd,
2003) connecting the intersections between organizational context, hiring
practices and the racial under-representation of African American K-12 school
administrators. Through a critique and problematizing of generally accepted
facts and factual assumptions, the paper seeks to further understand the role
of structural inhibitors, racial micro-aggressions, and racism in the hiring
and placement of these individuals into senior school administration positions.
The paper will specifically focus on the extent to which the
under-representation of African Americans in K-12 school administration roles
is due to intentional or consequential racism in hiring and promotion processes
vis-ˆ-vis individual, institutional, or cultural racism directed towards K12 school
administration candidates of color (Guess, 2006). In so doing, the paper makes
a contribution to the lacuna of literature on the longer-term impact of
racialized hiring and placement practices on the underrepresentation of this
sub-group of senior educational leaders.
To fully explore the presence of racism in
hiring and promotion practices, it is important to first understand the
different levels within which racism manifests: individual, institutional, and
cultural. Such racism may be due to structural inhibitors, racial
micro-aggressions, and invisible selection criteria that people of color
encounter as they seek to progress their career ambitions (see Gooden, 2012).
Jones (1972) encapsulates all three levels of
racism into the following single definition: ÒRacism results from the
transformation of race prejudice and/or ethnocentrism through the exercise of
power against a racial group defined as inferior, by individuals and
institutions with the intentional or unintentional support of the entire cultureÓ
(p.172). Cress Welsing (2004) expands on this and provides a further definition
that usefully illustrates the institutional and cultural ways in which racism
exists as:
the local and global
power system structured and maintained by persons who classify themselves as
White, whether consciously or subconsciously determined; this system consists
of patterns of perception, logic, symbols formation, thought, speech, action
and emotional response as conducted simultaneously in all areas of people
activity (economics, education, entertainment, labor, law, politics, religion,
sex and war. (p. ii)
In naming the research focus vis-ˆ-vis racism in
the hiring, and placement of K-12 administrators, the author acknowledges that
racism is ubiquitous and universal at individual, institutional and cultural
levels throughout society and particularly within the realms of education and
schools (Decuir & Dixson, 2004;
Delgado & Stefancic, 2012; Ladson-Billings, 2009a, 2009b, 2013;
Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995; Leonardo, 2009; Parker & Lynn, 2002; Sol—rzano and Yosso, 2002;
Tate, 1997)
Methodology
Integrative Review
Framework
The research, conducted primarily as an
integrative review, synthesizes previous relevant literature, empirical
studies, and research in order to infer generalizations about substantive
issues of race within the context of the hiring and promotion of educational
leaders and school administrators (Cooper, 1982, 2010; Demerath & Roof,
1976; Jackson, 1980). CooperÕs (2010) seven-step approach to research synthesis
and analysis formed the basis of the integrative review: Step1: Formulating the problem Ð the research
proposal and hypothesis were initially formulated through engagement and
discussion with other researchers and scholars within the field, both within
and external to the authorÕs home institution. These preliminary conversations
informed a more directed investigatory inquiry of other substantive research,
commentary, and examinations of the racialized aspects of the school
administration pipeline. Step 2: Searching
the literature Ð literature used to inform the study was limited to
empirical studies and research that specifically focuses on documenting the
African American experience and understandings of the school administration
profession. The use of limited, relevant, literature is consistent with a
Òmethodologically adequate studiesÓ approach as supported by Jackson,1(980,
p.455), Demerath and Roof (1976), and Jackson (2003). Specific studies were
identified through a search of literature using keyword, phrases, and subject
searching of library databases, and citation indexing. Key search terms
included ÒraceÓ, Òeducation[al] leadershipÓ, Òprincipal/administrator hiringÓ,
ÒAfrican/Black AmericanÓ, and Òeducation/school pipelineÓ. A separate ÒauthorÓ
search of the scholarship of leading scholars within the field was also
conducted. Step 3: Gathering information
from studies Ð information was primarily gathered through a synthesis of
reported findings and associated implications, as well as coding of key themes
emerging from identified, relevant studies on the topic of hiring, placement,
and promotion of African Americans in school administration and education
leadership positions. Step 4: Evaluating
the quality of studies Ð cross triangulation between information gathered
from studies, statistical data, and other official sources was used to identify
comparative and contrasting themes and perspectives discussed and identified.
Cross triangulation also enabled the formulation of critical judgments on the
quality of empirical studies and findings that constituted data for the
purposes of the integrative review and research synthesis. Particular attention
was given to literature and research that provided historical, factual,
substantiated accounts that examine Òthe inner-relations between career
trajectory, socialization, and identityÓ (Floyd, 2012, p.224) as experienced
and understood by African American educational professionals. The results of
Step 5: Analyzing and integrating the
outcomes of studies, Step 6: Interpreting
the evidence, and Step 7: Presenting
the results constitute this paper and conclusions.
Other Related
Epistemological Frameworks
A central premise of the research foundation and
inquiry is that fully understanding the causes and consequences of the
under-representation of African American school administrators requires
examining the historical and racialized aspects of hiring and placement
practices (Ingersoll & May, 2011). Two central and related epistemological
frameworks have informed the research design - historicizing of knowledge, and
critical race theory.
Application of the first framework, historicizing of knowledge, is
consistent with the methodological framework tradition adopted by Brown (2011)
in his problematization of historical and contemporary beliefs about Black
males as articulated in social science and education literature from the 1930Õs
to the present. Historicizing of knowledge allows for an examination of the
extent to which present realities and assumptions are constructed, for example
as a result of multiple and uneven trajectories of the past (Popkewitz, 1997).
This is particularly relevant in a discourse on racialized aspects of
education, and education leadership. As illustrated by McCray, Wright and Beachum
(2007) in their study on racial bias in the hiring and placement of school
administrators, the extent to which Òthe historically negative presumptions as
it relates to the leadership capabilities of African American principals are
still part of the thought patterns of decision makers regarding the placement
of these administratorsÓ (p.247).
Critical
Race Theory (CRT)
forms the second epistemological method of analysis. The use of CRT as a theoretical framework was seen
as an appropriate culturally sensitive epistemology and methodological approach
through which to explore the racialized aspects of the school
administration/education leadership pipeline as experienced by African
Americans. In particular, the impact and implications of the racialized aspects
of: de-segregation, schools and education (Ladson-Billings, 1998; Parker &
Lynn, 2002; Tate, 1997); racism as normality (Bell, 1992; Crenshaw, 2010;
Delgado, 1995); and racial stereotyping (Sol—rzano, 1997; Steele, 2010) on the hiring,
placement, and promotion processes.
Evidence of the existence of racism in the hiring,
placement, and promotion of K-12 school administrators will be explored through
consideration of the historical and contextual background of the profession.
This will include presentation of the changing demography of the school
population and implications for the hiring and placement of school
administrators of color in key roles. References will also be made to
historical literature, existing empirical research, and both qualitative and
quantitative data sets to further explore the issue of racism, whether
intentional or consequential, in the hiring of K-12 administrators (Department
for Professional Employees [DPE], 2013; National Center for Education
Statistics [NCES], 2008, 2011; Office of Civil Rights, 2012).
Limitations
There is limited available data of the selection
criteria that applies across the range of school administration professions.
This may be due to the decentralized nature of the hiring and promotion
practices across school districts as previously highlighted (Huber &
Pashiardis, 2008). Further, whilst making references to equality and employment
legislation, any detailed analysis of equality-based hiring practices,
affirmative action policies or other similar federal or state level public
sector hiring initiatives is considered outside of the scope of this paper.
Discussion
School Administration as a Profession
The role of the
school principal, administrator, or superintendent is typically, although not
exclusively, assumed by individuals from a teaching background or with
experience in the education system (DeAngelis & OÕConnor, 2012; Gates et
al., 2003; Rousmaniere, 2007). Subsequent education reform, increased
decentralization from federal-to-state-to-district and greater local
accountability for student outcomes, and an overall increased marketization of
education has led to greater expansion of the school administration
professional function. As a result, and in some larger school districts in
particular, the traditional administrative role of superintendent has
metamorphosized into several individual roles with responsibilities for a range
of distinct business functions (Tillman, 2004). These significant changes in
the role and responsibilities of K-12 school administrators also signal a
leadership crisis for the profession and the education system. All of the
above, whilst having an impact on the school administration profession as a
whole, also present themselves as an additional ÒchallengeÓ for African
American school leaders and individuals from other minoritized and non-dominant
groups, with limited and/or inequitable access to social and cultural capital.
Consequently, African Americans and other race/ethnic minoritized leaders are
unable to successfully navigate or circumvent the impact of these pressures to
the same degree as school administrator peers from the dominant, White racial
group. For example, education reform, demands to improve student attainment
levels, and insufficient resources are most likely to be a greater issue for
school administrators serving urban and suburban communities of predominately
students of color, with higher proportions of English language learners, than
for those, predominately White, administrators in more suburban or rural districts
and locations serving more homogenous, majority White, student cohorts (Akom,
2011; Franklin, 2002; Ladson-Billings, 2009; Oakes, 2005; Tallerico, 2000)
Hiring and Placement Process
In Mickelson, Smith and Oliver (in Weis &
Fine, 1993), we are reminded that Òemployment policies and practices do not
exist in a vacuum; they operate in a society whose racial divisions overlap
those of class and incomeÓ (p. 24). In many ways work-place organizational
structures replicate the social hierarchies that lay at the foundation of wider
society, with careers and professional positions becoming synonymous to racial
and culturally determined social positioning and stratification. However,
commentators have previously argued for the importance and need to increase diversity
and representation of school principals and administrators comparable to the
student and wider community populations that they serve. Further, there is
significant evidence to suggest that a diverse work-force comprised of people
from a wide range of backgrounds, representative at all levels across the
organization hierarchy, is a stronger and more effective one (Hunte, 2010;
Purdie-Vaughns, Steele, Davies, Ditlmann, & Crosby, 2008; Ross, 2002;
Tallerico, 2000).
Policymakers have
instigated a range of strategies and initiatives, at the federal, state, and
district level, to address the leadership crisis facing schools and school
districts, and in many cases, for example in New York, have attempted to
rationalize their assessment and certification of school leaders (Huber & Pashiardis,
2008). There is, however, limited available data of the selection
criteria that applies across the range of administration positions. This may be
due to the decentralized nature of the hiring and placement practices across
school districts as previously highlighted.
Scholars have argued that many of the
traditionally accepted hiring and promotion practices are in fact racially
biased. For example, Arvey (1979) examines the legal and psychological aspects
of the employment interviews as evidenced in the legal challenge of United States v. Hazelwood School District (1976), highlighting the very subjective
nature of the interview process and influence of stereotyping and bias within
the school-based interview setting. It is this unfamiliarity or incongruence
with cultural patterns between White interviewer and Black applicant that
potentially biases the validity of the employment interview process (also
consider Jussim, Coleman & Lerch, 1987; Sekaquaptewa, Espinoza, Thompson,
Vargas, & von Hippel, 2003). A further example is the practice and use of a
Òprior relevant experienceÓ selection criterion, which as Tallerico (2000)
observes: Òthe professional norms and routines that reify prior experience in
positions in which women and people of color are underrepresented, as forces
operating systemically that contribute to the predominance of White males in
educational administrationÓ (p.38). Measures have
also been put in place to increase the range, provision and number of university
K-12 administration leadership development programs with many institutions now
offering urban leadership development programs in recognition of the specific
and oftentimes particularly challenging context of urban district K-12 school
administration (see McCray, Wright & Beachum, 2007).
Altruistically, the generally decentralized
nature of the hiring and placement of school administrators, as well as the
stepped controlled stages in the
process are intended to ensure a consistent and same approach to the hiring and placement process and in the
treatment of individual job applicants. This sameness of treatment and procedures is seen as particularly
important, and especially so in light of and in compliance with equality
employment legislation. However, there is still
evidence of a range of structural inhibitors to the hiring and promotion of
African Americans to school administrative roles with, in the majority of
cases, search committee membership being exclusively or dominated by White
males (Ortiz, 2000).
Pre / Post Brown
Notwithstanding the constitutional challenges,
and landmark victories gained through the Civil Rights movement, especially the
Supreme Court decision Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka (1954), the
changing demographic landscape of the nationÕs population, and an increased
need for school administrators, the role of the school principal [and K-12
administrator] has according to Pollard (1997) remained the long considered
Òbastion of White menÓ (p. 354). The placement of Black
K-12 school administrators juxtaposes the comparative experiences of White
administrators. African American school administrators are most likely to be
placed in schools and school districts serving predominately students of color
(Ortiz, 1982). In many instances African American principals are completely
excluded from leadership positions in predominately White public schools (Rousmaniere, 2007). In contrast, White administrators are placed in predominately White,
predominately minority, as well as in schools with diverse student groups (see
Horsford, 2010, 2011; Tillman, 2003).
The promised integration of the school system
following the 1954 Brown decision,
and desegregation of education led to the amalgamation and wholesale closure of
Black schools with devastating consequences for the provision of education,
Black school principals, the teacher workforce, and the wider African American
communities that these schools served (McCray, Wright & Beachum, 2007).
Also consider Ethridge (1979) and Hudson and Holmes (1994). The post-Brown era marked a period in the history
of education in the U.S. that according to Karpinski (2006) resulted in the
ÒdecimationÓ (p. 251) of the numbers of Black principals. The future status,
and threatened job security of African American principals and educators was
one of the most consequential travesties of the perceived gains of the post-Brown era (Fultz, 2004; Karpinski,
2006). Between 1954 and 1964, the number of African American principals was
reduced by 90% (Rousmaniere, 2007; Tillman, 2004;).
According to
Karpinski (2006), the displacement of African American principals and teachers
Òremoved some of the most competent educators in the U.S. public school systemÓ
resulting in the Òwithdrawal of potential African American candidates from the
principalship [and broader school administration]Ó (p. 248). This would be
particularly salient in the hiring of senior school district administrators in
the future. The significant displacement of Black students to the teaching
profession, and subsequently to the pool as potential school administrators,
continued for several decades, through to the early 2000s (Brown, 2005). The
introduction of teacher education programs as well as new teacher certification
requirements have both further resulted in the significant displacement of
educators of color. This has further increased the levels of
underrepresentation of African American teachers relative to the student
population. To illustrate, in 2001, 6% of public school teachers were African
American, whereas 17.1% of the school student population were of African
American heritage. The disparities and racial under-representation increases at
the senior level school administration positions.
Other U.S. Federal Legislation
There has been considerable advancement through
federal legislation post Brown to the
protection of employment rights of individuals, and which specifically prohibit
employment discrimination based on race, color, religion, sex and national
origin. Federal Affirmative Action law further provides a legislative framework
for the hiring and placement of minority workers. However, there continues to
be a degree of ambiguity and ongoing legal controversy and debate on the
setting of constitutional standards for race-based affirmative action. Further,
and importantly, as stated by Rance (1992), there is some evidence to suggest
that Òeven though minorities are becoming increasingly more qualified to hold
high level administrative positions, the number of Blacks in the field of
school administration has not significantly increasedÓ (p.14).
The Changing Demography
The demographic
trends and projections of the United States are changing. In 1970 83.3% of the
population was White, 10.9% Black, 4.5% Hispanic and 1.3% Asian or other
minority group. It is predicted that this will change significantly by 2050
with almost 50% of the population being people of color (Hacker, 2003; U.S.
Census Bureau, 2001; Young & Brooks, 2008).
It will be incumbent on schools, school districts and administrators to find
demonstrable ways to support the evolution of human capital and shift to a
majority minority ethnic student and wider population over the next few years
to adequately support diverse cohorts of students to be fully prepared as
global citizens.
There are approximately
811,000 education administrators in the U.S. of which 76.6% are White, 13.3 %
are Black or African American, 7.9% are Hispanic or Latino/a, and 2.2% are
Asian (DPE, 2013). The proportion of individuals in these roles is not
reflective of either the percentage distribution enrolled K-12 students by
race, or by race of the wider population. The United States Census Bureau
(2013) report that of the total number of K-12 school enrolments, 52.5% of
enrolled students are White (non-Hispanic), 15.4% are Black, 23.8% are Hispanic
or Latino/a; and 4.8% are Asian (U.S. Census Bureau, 2013). In looking at the
wider population, of the total resident population, 77.7% are White, 13.2% are
Black, 17.1% are Hispanic or Latino/a, and 5.3% are Asian (U.S. Census Bureau,
2014). Pacific Islanders, American Indian/ Alaska Native and other minority
groups make up the remainder of the total population. (NCES, 2012; U.S. Census
Bureau, 2013, 2014). Under-representation of African Americans and other racial
minority groups within the K-12 administrative workforce, comparable to their
representation in the wider population, may be an indicator of intentional or
consequential racism within the employment practices of the profession.
Compensation and Wage Differentials
Margo (1984)
posits that the Òthe nature and extent of racial wage differentials is an
important economic and social issueÓ (p. 306), an important and helpful
proposition in analysing compensation and wage differentials. Benefits and
wages for K-12 administrators vary significantly by: state; school district
within state; location of school Ð city, suburban, town, rural; the level and
type of institution in which employed; and the specific role an individual
assumes. The latest estimates from the Department for Professional Employees
(2013) report that the median annual wage for K-12 administrators was $87,760
in 2012. The NCES (2012) analysis of average salaries for principals for
2007-08 (calculated on a 2009-10 cost basis) provides the most recent available
salary information by race of principal. NCES report that for 2007-08, White
principals on average received an annual salary of $86,900, Black principals
received $89,900, Hispanic/Latino/a principals $95,100, and Asian principals
$105,900. Whilst a useful comparator, it is not possible to distinguish the
salaries paid to individuals across all racial groups in comparative school/
district settings. Further, as we are reminded in Papa et al (2002), Òthe compensation of
school leaders may not compensate for the extraordinary demands placed on
school leaders, with this being most likely in schools where working conditions
are most difficultÓ (p.15).
Inequalities in levels of salary compensation
are often an indicator of discriminatory work practices. The notion of equal pay for equal work is particularly
relevant. Whilst the average annual salary level for principals of color is
marginally higher than that for White principals the urban contexts within
which most principals of color work are arguably more complex, challenging and
demanding. Further, school principals and administrators of color typically
lead in significantly under-resourced school contexts, disadvantaged through
the historical inequalities of an educational apartheid system (Akom, 2011). In
contrast, White administrators, for the most part, assume
positions in less challenging, smaller urban, suburban or rural areas.
Wider Cost Implications
Racism and racial
inequalities are costly (Feagin
& McKinney, 2005). The consequential
costs to society of creating and sustaining systems that maintain systemic
stratification and unequal distribution of resources, power, wealth, and
prestige are insurmountable (Akom, 2011; Morrow & Torres, 1995). Whilst
attempts have been made to quantify the socio-psychological costs of racism,
there have been limited attempts to look at the broader economic and financial
cost implications of systems that perpetuate individual, institutional or
cultural racism. Further, much of the attribution of costs assume a victim perspective
and thus falls short of any analysis of the wider cost implications of racism
to all sections of society.
Shapiro (2004)
provides a helpful contrast between the Òhidden costs of being African American
and the advantage of being WhiteÓ (p. 55). This is a helpful paradigm,
particularly in examining the cost-implications of racism within the hiring and
promotion of school administrators. It is therefore pertinent to explore the
extent to which supply and demand or
an advantage / disadvantage metrics collates to a Black / White racial identity
of prospective candidates to be hired or promoted into these senior school
administration posts.
It is important
to consider the wider ÒhiddenÓ cost implications of racism in the hiring
processes of school administrators in terms of economic significance, salary
compensation, human and cultural capital, stereotype and racial stratification
of the attributes of the effective leader. A dominant monocultural,
Euro-centric perspective defines both school leadership and students as
composites of ostensibly homogenous sub-groups. This limits and promotes an
assimilist or race-neutral approach to education leadership and schooling
(Mabokela & Madsen, 2005) that is unable to benefit from a collective
global-mindedness, and culturally competent effective school leadership
(Gooden, 2012; Johnson & Campbell-Stephens, 2010; Reyes & Wagstaff,
2005). Further, the challenges of leading in complex urban and suburban
contexts may also have a negative impact on the personal health and wellbeing
of the school administrator. An additional hidden cost of race discriminatory
practices, are the costs, financial and otherwise, associated with pursing
claims and actions as a result of race bias and discriminatory employment
practices.
Conclusion
Race definitions,
expressions thereof and any extensive or explicit discussion on individual,
institutional or cultural racism or other forms of racialized inequalities in
schooling, education and public services more broadly have over time become transient.
The discourse on racism, racial inequality, or power conflict has been muted
through a broader post-racial, colorblind narrative (Gooden, 2012; Mabokela
& Madsen, 2005;) and what Pollock (2005) terms ÒcolormutenessÓ that
intentionally avoids the need for any meaningful Òrace talkÓ, engagement or
analysis on the uncomfortable topic
of race and racism. Whilst much has been done to remove visible evidence and
manifestations of individual racism, structures and systems in place as well as
organization climate continue to preserve the influence and impact of macro,
structural discrimination, and institutional and cultural level racism.
Within the area
of hiring, placement and promotion, dominant White America deploys what Marger
(2012) describes as techniques of dominance and subordination to promote and
confirm prejudices and discrimination. The use of over simplified and negative
stereotyping, particularly within hiring and promotion processes, presumes to
assume that physical or behavioural traits which do not align with the model image of the school administrator
as White, and male, renders applicants who do not fit this mold unsuitable candidates for such senior
positions. Such prejudice and discrimination is often reinforced within the
permanence of ethnic and racial stratification with inherent and negative
assumptions of place, status, and attributes of members from minority groups.
Sixty years after
Brown, de jure racial segregation has
been replaced with de facto segregation (Tillman, 2004). The extent to which a
wide range of structural inhibitors and racial micro-aggressions prevalent
within the education system and schools continue to contribute to the
under-representation of African Americans in senior K-12 administration
positions remains evident. As this paper has demonstrated, there is a need for
a wider policy discourse and examination of the longer-term effects of
racialized and race bias practices within education in aspects of hiring,
placement and retention of school principals and senior administrators. Failure
to do so maintains an inequitable racialized distribution of individuals at the
most senior levels of education administration and denies students, schools,
school districts, and states of the skills and expertise that African American
educational professionals may bring to the profession (Brown, 2005; Horsford,
2010, 2011; Howard, 2007; Lomotey, 1989; Reyes & Wagstaff, 2005). This
is ever more important in senior K-12 administrator positions, for it is the
school administrator that shapes the ethos and direction of the school, the
effective management of the school district, allocation of resources, and
ultimately the attainment and achievement of the student cohorts.
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